Władysław Sikorski: Difference between revisions

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Initially, Sikorski supported the Polish-Soviet rapprochement, which reignited criticism of his person from some Polish factions.<ref name="Biuletyn"/><ref name="psb475"/> Nonetheless, Sikorski soon realized that the Soviet Union had plans for Polish territories, which would be unacceptable to Polish public.<ref name="psb475"/> The Soviets began their diplomatic offensive after their first major military victory in the [[Battle of Moscow]], and intensified this policy after the [[battle of Stalingrad]], showing less and less regard for their deals with Poland.<ref name="psb475"/><ref name="psb474"/> In January 1942 British diplomat [[Stafford Cripps]] informed General Sikorski that while Stalin planned to extend Polish borders to the west, by giving Poland Germany’s [[East Prussia]], he also wanted to considerably push Poland’s eastern frontier westwards, along the lines of the [[Treaty of Versailles|Versailles]] concept of the [[Curzon Line]], and acquire [[Lwów]] and [[Wilno]], if not both.<ref name="CiencialaLebedeva2007"/> Sikorksi's stance on eastern borders was not inflexible; he noted in some documents that some concessions might be acceptable, however, giving up both Lwów and Wilno was not.<ref name="CiencialaLebedeva2007"/>
Initially, Sikorski supported the Polish-Soviet rapprochement, which reignited criticism of his person from some Polish factions.<ref name="Biuletyn"/><ref name="psb475"/> Nonetheless, Sikorski soon realized that the Soviet Union had plans for Polish territories, which would be unacceptable to Polish public.<ref name="psb475"/> The Soviets began their diplomatic offensive after their first major military victory in the [[Battle of Moscow]], and intensified this policy after the [[battle of Stalingrad]], showing less and less regard for their deals with Poland.<ref name="psb475"/><ref name="psb474"/> In January 1942 British diplomat [[Stafford Cripps]] informed General Sikorski that while Stalin planned to extend Polish borders to the west, by giving Poland Germany’s [[East Prussia]], he also wanted to considerably push Poland’s eastern frontier westwards, along the lines of the [[Treaty of Versailles|Versailles]] concept of the [[Curzon Line]], and acquire [[Lwów]] and [[Wilno]], if not both.<ref name="CiencialaLebedeva2007"/> Sikorksi's stance on eastern borders was not inflexible; he noted in some documents that some concessions might be acceptable, however, giving up both Lwów and Wilno was not.<ref name="CiencialaLebedeva2007"/>


=== Katyn revelation ===
=== Katyn revelation and death ===
⚫
{{main|Katyn massacre|1943 B-24 crash in Gibraltar}}


In 1943 the fragile relations between the Soviet Union and the Polish government-in-exile finally reached their breaking point when, on April 13, the Germans announced the discovery of the [[Katyn massacre|bodies of 20,000 Polish officers]] who had been murdered by the Soviets and buried in Katyn Forest, near [[Smolensk]], Russia.<ref name="Biuletyn"/> Stalin claimed that the atrocity had been carried out by the Germans,<ref name="Zawodny"/> while Nazi propaganda orchestrated by [[Joseph Goebbels]] successfully exploited the [[Katyn massacre]] to drive a wedge between Poland, the Western Allies and the Soviet Union.<ref name="Goebbels"/> The Soviet Union, and subsequently Russia, did not acknowledge responsibility for this and similar massacres of Polish officers until the 1990s.<ref name="bbc161204"/>
In 1943 the fragile relations between the Soviet Union and the Polish government-in-exile finally reached their breaking point when, on April 13, the Germans announced the discovery of the [[Katyn massacre|bodies of 20,000 Polish officers]] who had been murdered by the Soviets and buried in Katyn Forest, near [[Smolensk]], Russia.<ref name="Biuletyn"/> Stalin claimed that the atrocity had been carried out by the Germans,<ref name="Zawodny"/> while Nazi propaganda orchestrated by [[Joseph Goebbels]] successfully exploited the [[Katyn massacre]] to drive a wedge between Poland, the Western Allies and the Soviet Union.<ref name="Goebbels"/> The Soviet Union, and subsequently Russia, did not acknowledge responsibility for this and similar massacres of Polish officers until the 1990s.<ref name="bbc161204"/>


When Sikorski refused to accept the Soviet explanation and requested an investigation by the [[International Red Cross]] on April 16,<ref name="kmw_statement"/> the Soviets accused the government-in-exile of cooperating with Nazi Germany and broke off diplomatic relations on April 25.<ref name="psb475"/><ref name="kmw_note"/> At that time the intentions of the Soviet Union became clear: Stalin wanted recognition of his recent annexation of the [[Baltic states]], the return of West Belarus, and the redrawing of the Polish-Soviet border at the [[Curzon Line]], which the government-in-exile would never accept, as it would entail the loss of about a third of Poland's territory.{{citation required|date=November 2012}}
When Sikorski refused to accept the Soviet explanation and requested an investigation by the [[International Red Cross]] on April 16,<ref name="kmw_statement"/> the Soviets accused the government-in-exile of cooperating with Nazi Germany and broke off diplomatic relations on April 25.<ref name="psb475"/><ref name="kmw_note"/>

The Soviets were able to sever relations with the Polish government-in-exile by exploiting controversy over an atrocity which they had themselves committed against Polish forces. They were also able to clear the way for a postwar communist-sponsored Polish government ([[Polish Committee of National Liberation]]) which would yield compliantly to Soviet demands. Stalin soon began a campaign for recognition by the Western Allies of a Soviet-backed Polish government led by [[Wanda Wasilewska]], a dedicated communist with a seat in the [[Supreme Soviet]], with General [[Zygmunt Berling]], commander of the [[First Polish Army (1944-1945)|1st Polish Army]] in Russia, as commander-in-chief of all Polish armed forces.<ref name="Dean"/>

=== Death ===
⚫
{{main|1943 B-24 crash in Gibraltar}}


Beginning in late May 1943, Sikorski begun visiting Polish forces stationed in the [[Middle East]].<ref name="psb475"/> In addition to inspecting the forces and raising morale, Sikorski was also occupied with political matters; around that time, a conflict was growing between him and general [[Władysław Anders]], as Sikorski was still open to some normalization of Polish-Soviet relations, to which Andres was vehemently objected.<ref name="psb475"/> On July 4, 1943, while Sikorski was returning from an inspection of Polish forces deployed in the [[Middle East]], he was killed, together with his daughter, his [[Chief of staff (politics)|Chief of Staff]], [[Tadeusz Klimecki]], and seven others, when his plane, a [[B-24 Liberator|Liberator II]], serial ''AL523'', crashed into the sea 16 seconds after takeoff from [[Gibraltar Airport]] at 23:07 hours.<ref name="psb475"/><ref name="Kisielewski2005"/> Only the pilot, [[Eduard Prchal]] (1911–1984), survived the crash.<ref name="psb475"/> Sikorski was subsequently buried in a brick-lined grave at the Polish War Cemetery in [[Newark-on-Trent]], [[England]] on July 16 that year.<ref name="psb475"/> [[Winston Churchill]] delivered an [[eulogy]] at his funeral.<ref name="Peszke2005-102"/> On September 17, 1993, his remains were exhumed and transferred to the royal crypts at [[Wawel]] Castle in [[Kraków]], Poland.<ref name="psb475"/>
Beginning in late May 1943, Sikorski begun visiting Polish forces stationed in the [[Middle East]].<ref name="psb475"/> In addition to inspecting the forces and raising morale, Sikorski was also occupied with political matters; around that time, a conflict was growing between him and general [[Władysław Anders]], as Sikorski was still open to some normalization of Polish-Soviet relations, to which Andres was vehemently objected.<ref name="psb475"/> On July 4, 1943, while Sikorski was returning from an inspection of Polish forces deployed in the [[Middle East]], he was killed, together with his daughter, his [[Chief of staff (politics)|Chief of Staff]], [[Tadeusz Klimecki]], and seven others, when his plane, a [[B-24 Liberator|Liberator II]], serial ''AL523'', crashed into the sea 16 seconds after takeoff from [[Gibraltar Airport]] at 23:07 hours.<ref name="psb475"/><ref name="Kisielewski2005"/> Only the pilot, [[Eduard Prchal]] (1911–1984), survived the crash.<ref name="psb475"/> Sikorski was subsequently buried in a brick-lined grave at the Polish War Cemetery in [[Newark-on-Trent]], [[England]] on July 16 that year.<ref name="psb475"/> [[Winston Churchill]] delivered an [[eulogy]] at his funeral.<ref name="Peszke2005-102"/> On September 17, 1993, his remains were exhumed and transferred to the royal crypts at [[Wawel]] Castle in [[Kraków]], Poland.<ref name="psb475"/>
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Immediately after the crash, a Polish officer who had witnessed the event from the airstrip began sobbing quietly and repeating: "This is the end of Poland. This is the end of Poland." („To Polska stracona!”).<ref name="Biuletyn"/> General Sikorski's death marked a turning point for Polish influence amongst the Anglo-American allies. No Pole after him would have much sway with the Allied politicians.<ref name="Stanczyk"/> Sikorski had been the most prestigious leader of the Polish exiles and his death was a severe setback for the Polish cause.<ref name="Stanczyk"/> After the Soviets had broken off diplomatic relations with Sikorski's government in April 1943, in May and June Stalin had recalled several Soviet ambassadors for "consultations": [[Maxim Litvinov]] from [[Washington, D.C.|Washington]], [[Fedor Tarasovich Gusev|Gusev]] from [[Montreal]], [[Ivan Maisky]] from London. While Churchill had been publicly supportive of Sikorski's government, reminding Stalin of his [[Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact|pact with Nazi Germany in 1939]] and their [[Invasion of Poland (1939)|joint attack on Poland]], in secret consultations with Roosevelt he admitted that some concessions would have to be made by Poland to appease the powerful Soviets. The Polish-Soviet crisis was beginning to threaten cooperation between the western Allies and the Soviet Union at a time when the Poles' importance to the western Allies, essential in the first years of the war, was beginning to fade with the entry into the conflict of the military and industrial giants, the Soviet Union and the United States.<ref name="Stanczyk"/>
Immediately after the crash, a Polish officer who had witnessed the event from the airstrip began sobbing quietly and repeating: "This is the end of Poland. This is the end of Poland." („To Polska stracona!”).<ref name="Biuletyn"/> General Sikorski's death marked a turning point for Polish influence amongst the Anglo-American allies. No Pole after him would have much sway with the Allied politicians.<ref name="Stanczyk"/> Sikorski had been the most prestigious leader of the Polish exiles and his death was a severe setback for the Polish cause.<ref name="Stanczyk"/> After the Soviets had broken off diplomatic relations with Sikorski's government in April 1943, in May and June Stalin had recalled several Soviet ambassadors for "consultations": [[Maxim Litvinov]] from [[Washington, D.C.|Washington]], [[Fedor Tarasovich Gusev|Gusev]] from [[Montreal]], [[Ivan Maisky]] from London. While Churchill had been publicly supportive of Sikorski's government, reminding Stalin of his [[Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact|pact with Nazi Germany in 1939]] and their [[Invasion of Poland (1939)|joint attack on Poland]], in secret consultations with Roosevelt he admitted that some concessions would have to be made by Poland to appease the powerful Soviets. The Polish-Soviet crisis was beginning to threaten cooperation between the western Allies and the Soviet Union at a time when the Poles' importance to the western Allies, essential in the first years of the war, was beginning to fade with the entry into the conflict of the military and industrial giants, the Soviet Union and the United States.<ref name="Stanczyk"/>


The Allies had no intention of allowing Sikorski's successor, [[Stanisław Mikołajczyk]], to threaten the alliance with the Soviets. No representative of the Polish government was invited to the [[Tehran Conference]] (28 November 28 – 1 December 1943) or the [[Yalta Conference]] (4–11 February 1945), the two crucial events in which the Western Allies and the Soviet Union discussed the shape of the post-war world and decided on the fate of Poland.<ref name="Biskupski2000"/><ref name="Ostasz"/> Only four months after Sikorski's death, in November 1943, at Tehran, Churchill and Roosevelt agreed with Stalin that the whole of Poland east of the [[Curzon Line]] would be ceded to the Soviets.<ref name="Biskupski2000"/> In Teheran, neither Churchill nor Roosevelt objected to Stalin's suggestion that the Polish government in exile in London was not representing Polish interests; as historian [[Anita J. Prazmowska|Anita Prażmowska]] noted, "this spelled the end of that government's tenuous influence and raison d'être."<ref name="Prażmowska1995-3">{{cite book|author=Anita Prażmowska|title=Britain and Polnd, 1939–1943: the betrayed ally|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=Z4J2c4jEhjYC&pg=PA191|accessdate=8 April 2011|year=1995|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-0-521-48385-8|page=191}}</ref> After the Teheran Conference, Stalin decided to create his own [[puppet government]] for Poland, and a [[Committee of National Liberation]] (PKWN) was proclaimed in the summer of 1944.<ref name="Biskupski2000"/> The Committee was recognized by the Soviet Government as the only legitimate authority in Poland, while Mikołajczyk’s Government in London, was termed by the Soviets an "illegal and self-styled authority."<ref name="Stachura2004"/> Mikołajczyk would serve in the Prime Minister's role until 24 November 1944, when, realizing the increasing powerlessness of the government in exile, he resigned and was succeeded by [[Tomasz Arciszewski]], "whose obscurity", in the words of historian [[Mieczysław B. Biskupski]], "signaled the arrival of the government in exile at total inconsequentiality."<ref name="Biskupski2000"/><ref name="Lerski1996"/> By the time of the Potsdam conference in 1945, Poland has been relegated to the Soviet sphere of influence; an abandonment of the Polish government in exile that has led to the rise of the [[Western betrayal]] concept.<ref name="Trachtenberg1999"/><ref name="Agar1957"/>
The Allies had no intention of allowing Sikorski's successor, [[Stanisław Mikołajczyk]], to threaten the alliance with the Soviets. No representative of the Polish government was invited to the [[Tehran Conference]] (28 November 28 – 1 December 1943) or the [[Yalta Conference]] (4–11 February 1945), the two crucial events in which the Western Allies and the Soviet Union discussed the shape of the post-war world and decided on the fate of Poland.<ref name="Biskupski2000"/><ref name="Ostasz"/> Only four months after Sikorski's death, in November 1943, at Tehran, Churchill and Roosevelt agreed with Stalin that the whole of Poland east of the [[Curzon Line]] would be ceded to the Soviets.<ref name="Biskupski2000"/> In Teheran, neither Churchill nor Roosevelt objected to Stalin's suggestion that the Polish government in exile in London was not representing Polish interests; as historian [[Anita J. Prazmowska|Anita Prażmowska]] noted, "this spelled the end of that government's tenuous influence and raison d'être."<ref name="Prażmowska1995-3">{{cite book|author=Anita Prażmowska|title=Britain and Polnd, 1939–1943: the betrayed ally|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=Z4J2c4jEhjYC&pg=PA191|accessdate=8 April 2011|year=1995|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-0-521-48385-8|page=191}}</ref> After the Teheran Conference, Stalin decided to create his own [[puppet government]] for Poland, and a [[Committee of National Liberation]] (PKWN) was proclaimed in the summer of 1944.<ref name="Biskupski2000"/> The Committee was recognized by the Soviet Government as the only legitimate authority in Poland, while Mikołajczyk’s Government in London, was termed by the Soviets an "illegal and self-styled authority."<ref name="Stachura2004"/> Mikołajczyk would serve in the Prime Minister's role until 24 November 1944, when, realizing the increasing powerlessness of the government in exile, he resigned and was succeeded by [[Tomasz Arciszewski]], "whose obscurity", in the words of historian [[Mieczysław B. Biskupski]], "signaled the arrival of the government in exile at total inconsequentiality."<ref name="Biskupski2000"/><ref name="Lerski1996"/> Stalin soon began a campaign for recognition by the Western Allies of a Soviet-backed Polish government led by [[Wanda Wasilewska]], a dedicated communist with a seat in the [[Supreme Soviet]], with General [[Zygmunt Berling]], commander of the [[First Polish Army (1944-1945)|1st Polish Army]] in Russia, as commander-in-chief of all Polish armed forces.<ref name="Dean"/> By the time of the Potsdam conference in 1945, Poland has been relegated to the Soviet sphere of influence; an abandonment of the Polish government in exile that has led to the rise of the [[Western betrayal]] concept.<ref name="Trachtenberg1999"/><ref name="Agar1957"/>


A number of poems dedicated to Sikorski have been written by Polish authors during the war.<ref name="psb475"/> In its aftermath, in the [[People's Republic of Poland]], Sikorski's historic role, like that of all the adherents of the London government, would be minimized and distorted by [[propaganda]], and those loyal to the government-in-exile would be liable to imprisonment and even execution. In time, restrictions on discussing Sikorski 's begun to ease; on a centennial anniversary of his birth in 1981, commemorative events were held on the [[Rzeszów Voivodeship]], including an academic conference, and revealing of plaques in [[Nisko]] and [[Leżajsk]].<ref name="psb475"/> [[Ryszard Zieliński]] published a novel on him, ''Wejście w mrok'' (1971), and in 1983 a movie, ''[[Katastrofa w Gibraltarze]]'' by [[Bohdan Poręba]], was made.<ref name="psb475"/> The Polish government-in-exile, of which Sikorski was the first Prime Minister, would continue in existence until the end of [[People's Republic of Poland|communist rule in Poland]] in 1990, when [[Lech Wałęsa]] became the first post-communist [[President of Poland]].<ref name="Economist0"/> On 17 September 1993 a statue of Sikorski, sculpted by [[Wiesław Bielak]], was reveled in [[Rzeszów]].<ref name="psb475"/> In 2003, the Polish parliament ([[Sejm]]) declared the year (60th anniversary of Sikorski's death) to be the "Year of General Sikorski".<ref name="Biuletyn"/> A number of streets and schools in Poland bear Sikorski's name.<ref name="psb475"/>
A number of poems dedicated to Sikorski have been written by Polish authors during the war.<ref name="psb475"/> In its aftermath, in the [[People's Republic of Poland]], Sikorski's historic role, like that of all the adherents of the London government, would be minimized and distorted by [[propaganda]], and those loyal to the government-in-exile would be liable to imprisonment and even execution. In time, restrictions on discussing Sikorski 's begun to ease; on a centennial anniversary of his birth in 1981, commemorative events were held on the [[Rzeszów Voivodeship]], including an academic conference, and revealing of plaques in [[Nisko]] and [[Leżajsk]].<ref name="psb475"/> [[Ryszard Zieliński]] published a novel on him, ''Wejście w mrok'' (1971), and in 1983 a movie, ''[[Katastrofa w Gibraltarze]]'' by [[Bohdan Poręba]], was made.<ref name="psb475"/> The Polish government-in-exile, of which Sikorski was the first Prime Minister, would continue in existence until the end of [[People's Republic of Poland|communist rule in Poland]] in 1990, when [[Lech Wałęsa]] became the first post-communist [[President of Poland]].<ref name="Economist0"/> On 17 September 1993 a statue of Sikorski, sculpted by [[Wiesław Bielak]], was reveled in [[Rzeszów]].<ref name="psb475"/> In 2003, the Polish parliament ([[Sejm]]) declared the year (60th anniversary of Sikorski's death) to be the "Year of General Sikorski".<ref name="Biuletyn"/> A number of streets and schools in Poland bear Sikorski's name.<ref name="psb475"/>

Revision as of 18:26, 13 November 2012

General
Władysław Sikorski
Prime Minister of Poland
1st Prime Minister of the Polish Government in Exile
In office
September 30, 1939 – July 4, 1943
PresidentWładysław Raczkiewicz
Preceded byFelicjan Sławoj Składkowski (in country)
Succeeded byStanisław Mikołajczyk
Prime Minister of Poland
9th Prime Minister of the Second Republic of Poland
In office
December 16, 1922 – May 26, 1923
PresidentMaciej Rataj (interim), Stanisław Wojciechowski
Preceded byJulian Nowak
Succeeded byWincenty Witos
General Inspector of the Armed Forces
3rd General Inspector of the Armed Forces
In office
7 November 1939 – 4 July 1943
PresidentWładysław Raczkiewicz
Preceded byEdward Śmigły-Rydz
Succeeded byKazimierz Sosnkowski
Personal details
Born
Władysław Eugeniusz Sikorski

(1881-05-20)May 20, 1881
Tuszów Narodowy, Austria-Hungary
DiedJuly 4, 1943(1943-07-04) (aged 62)
Gibraltar
Political partyNone
SpouseOlga Helena Zubrzewska (1888-1972)
ChildrenZofia Leśniowska (1912-1943)
ProfessionSoldier, Statesman
AwardsVirtuti Militari
Signature
Military service
AllegiancePoland
Branch/servicePolish Legions
Polish Army
Years of service1914 - 1928, 1939 - 1943
RankLieutenant General
Commands9th Infantry Division

Władysław Eugeniusz Sikorski (Polish pronunciation: [vwaˈdɨswaf ɕiˈkɔrskʲi] ⓘ; May 20, 1881 – July 4, 1943) was a Polish military and political leader.

Prior to World War I, he established and participated in several underground organizations that promoted the cause of Polish independence. He fought with distinction in the Polish Legions during World War I, and later in the newly created Polish Army during the Polish-Soviet War (1919 to 1921). In that war he played a prominent role in the decisive Battle of Warsaw. In the early years of the Second Polish Republic, Sikorski held government posts including prime minister (1922 to 1923) and minister of military affairs (1923 to 1924). Following Józef Piłsudski's May Coup (1926) and the installation of the Sanacja government, he fell out of favor with the new regime.

During World War II he became Prime Minister of the Polish Government in Exile, Commander-in-Chief of the Polish Armed Forces, and a vigorous advocate of the Polish cause in the diplomatic sphere. He supported the reestablishment of diplomatic relations between Poland and the Soviet Union, which had been severed after the Soviet pact with Germany and the 1939 invasion of Poland — however, Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin broke off Soviet-Polish diplomatic relations in April 1943 following Sikorski's request that the International Red Cross investigate the Katyń Forest massacre. In July 1943, a plane carrying Sikorski plunged into the sea immediately after takeoff from Gibraltar, killing all on board except the pilot. The exact circumstances of his death have been disputed, and given rise to a number of conspiracy theories surrounding the crash and his death. Sikorski had been the most prestigious leader of the Polish exiles and his death was a severe setback for the Polish cause.

Biography

Early life and World War I

Sikorski was born in Tuszów Narodowy, Galicia, at the time Austro-Hungarian Empire.[1] Władysław was the third child in his family; his father was Tomasz Sikorski, teacher; his mother was Emilia Habrowska.[1] His grandfather, Tomasz Kopaszyna Sikorski, fought and was wounded at the Battle of Olszynka Grochowska in the November Uprising, during which he received the Virtuti Militari medal.[2]

Sikorski attented the gimnazjum in Rzeszów (now Konarski's High School in Rzeszów) from 1893-1897, then transferred for a year to a Rzeszów teachers' seminar.[1] In 1899 he attended the Lwów gimnazjum (im. Franciszka Józefa), and in 1902 he passed his final high school exam there.[1] Starting that year, young Sikorski studied engineering at the Lwów Polytechnic, specializing in road and bridge construction, and graduating in 1908, with a diploma in hydraulic engineering.[1] In 1906 Sikorski volunteered for a year's service in the Austro-Hungarian army and attended the Austrian Military School, obtaining an officer's diploma and becoming an army reserve second lieutenant (podporucznik rezerwy).[3] In 1909 he married Helena Zubczewska, whom he met in his Lwów high school.[1][4] In 1912 they would have a daughter, Zofia.[5] After graduation he worked for the Galician administration's hydraulic engineering department, working on the regulation of the Vistula river, and later was involved in some private entrepreneurship related to land and petroleum trade.[1][3][4]

During his studies at the Polytechnic, Sikorski became involved in the People's School Association (Towarzystwo Szkoły Ludowej), an organization dedicated to spreading the educational values among the populace.[1] Around 1904-1905 he was briefly involved with the endecja Association of the Polish Youth "Zet", and then drifted towards paramilitary socialist organizations related to the Polish Socialist Party, which was intent on securing Polish independence.[3] He made contact with the socialist movement through the Union for Resurrection of Polish Nation (Związek Odrodzenia Narodu Polskiego) around 1905-1906.[3] In 1908, in Lwów, Sikorski—together with Józef Piłsudski, Marian Kukiel, Walery Sławek, Kazimierz Sosnkowski, Witold Jodko-Narkiewicz and Henryk Minkiewicz—organized the secret Union for Active Struggle(Związek Walki Czynnej), with the aim of organizing an uprising against the Russian Empire, one of Poland's three partitioners.[3][4] In 1910, likewise in Lwów, Sikorski helped to organize a Riflemen's Association (the Związek Strzelecki), became the president of its Lwów chapter, and became responsible for the military arm within the Commission of Confederated Independence Parties (Komisja Skonfederowanych Stronnictwo Niepodległościowych, KSSN).[3][4] Having a military education, he lectured other activists on military tactics.[3]

Sikorski in 1918

Upon the outbreak of World War I in July 1914, Sikorski was mobilized, but through KSSN influence he was allowed to participate in organizing of the Polish military units, rather than being delegated to other duties by the Austro-Hungarian military command.[3] In the first few weeks of the war he became the chief of the Military Department in the Supreme National Committee (Naczelny Komitet Narodowy, NKN) and remained in this post until 1916.[3] He was a commissioner in charge of the recruitment to the Polish Legions in Kraków, choosing this role over the opportunity to serve in the Legions as a frontline commander.[3][6] On 30 September 1914 he was promoted to podpułkownik, soon afterward he became the commander of a Legions officer school (Szkoła Podchorążych).[3][4] The Legions - the army created by Józef Piłsudski to liberate Poland from Russian and, ultimately, Austro-Hungarian and German rule - initially fought in alliance with Austria-Hungary against Russia. From August 1915 there was growing tension between Sikorski, who advocated cooperation with Austria-Hungary, and Piłsudski, who felt that Austria-Hungary and Germany had betrayed the trust of the Polish people.[3][6] In 1916 Piłsudski actively campaigned to have the Military Department of NKN disbanded, supporting instead .[6] In July that year, Sikorski was promoted to pułkownik (colonel).[4] Following the Act of 5th November (1916), Sikorski became involved with the Legions alternatives, the Polish Auxiliary Corps and Polnische Wehrmacht.[6] In June 1917 Piłsudski refused Austro-Hungarian orders to swear loyalty to the Habsburg Emperor (the "oath crisis") and was interned at the fortress of Magdeburg, while Sikorski abandoned Polnische Wehrmacht and returned to the Austro-Hungarian Army.[6] In 1918, however, following the February Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and the battle of Rarańcza, Sikorski chose belatedly to side with Piłsudski, announcing solidarity with his actions, protesting against planned separation of Chełm Land from the planned Polish state, and thus soon joined Piłsudski in internment (he would be held in Dulfalva (Dulovo)).[4][6] Nonetheless, this was not enough to smooth the differences between him and Piłsudski, and these two major Polish leaders would drift farther apart in the continuing years.[4]

Polish-Ukrainian and Polish-Soviet wars

In 1918 the Russian, Austro-Hungarian and German empires collapsed, and Poland once again became independent, but the borders of the Second Polish Republic were not fully determined and unstable. In the east they would be formed in the escalating conflicts among Polish, Ukrainian, Lithuanian and Soviet forces in what culminated in the Polish-Soviet War (1919–1921).[7] Winston Churchill commented: "The war of giants has ended, the wars of the pygmies began."[8] Out of those series of conflicts, the origins of the Polish-Soviet War reach further than only "regulating" the Poland's east border; Bolshevik leaders saw Poland as a bridge that the communist revolution will have to force to bring communism to the West, and Poland's very existence would soon be at stake.[4][9]

After his release from internment, from 1 May 1918 Sikorski worked for the Regency Council, organizing the new Polish Army.[6] He was soon at the frontlines again, this time in the in the Polish-Ukrainian War, where troops under his command secured and defended Przemyśl in October–November 1918.[4][6] In the course of the Polish-Ukrainian War, and in the opening phase of the Polish-Soviet War, Sikorski, now a high-ranking officer of the Polish Army was involved in further operations in the Galicia region. In January 1919 he commanded troops defending Gródek Jagielloński; in March that year he commanded an infantry division, advancing to Stawczany and Zbrucz.[6][10] From 1 August 1918 Sikorski commanded the Polesie Group, and the Polish 9th Infantry Division.[10] In order to curtail excesses of the forces under his command, he oversaw trials of 36 officers.[10] His forces took Mozyr and Kalenkowicze in March 1920, and he would command the Polesie Group during Poland's Kiev offensive in April 1920, advancing to Dniepr river and Chernobyl region.[4][10] On April 1 that year he was promoted to brigade general.[10]

As the Polish-Soviet War grew in intensity, in late April 1920 the Red Army of Russia's new Soviet regime pushed back Polish forces and invaded Poland.[10] Subsequently Sikorski successfully defended Mozyr and Kalenkowicze until 29 June, but later failed to hold the Brest fortress, although he defended it long enough to allow the Polish forces in the region to retreat in a planned formation.[10] On 6 August he was named the commander of the newly formed Polish 5th Army, which was to hold the front to the north of Modlin, between Narew and Wkra rivers.[4][10] He distinguished himself commanding the 5th Army on the Lower Vistula front during the Battle of Warsaw.[10] At that time Soviet forces, expecting an easy final victory, were surprised and crippled by the Polish counter-attack. During that battle (sometimes referred to as "the Miracle at the Vistula") Sikorski stopped the Bolshevik advance north of Warsaw and gave Piłsudski, Polish commander-in-chief, the time he needed for his counter-offensive; beginning with the 15 August his forces successfully engaged the Soviet 5th and 15th Armies.[10] After the Battle of Warsaw, from 30 August, Sikorski commanded the 3rd Army.[10] His forces took Pińsk, and fought during the latter stages of the Battle of Lwów and the Battle of Zamość, and then after Battle of Niemen advanced with his forces toward Latvia and deep into Belarus.[4][10] The Poles defeated the Soviets, and the Polish-Soviet Treaty of Riga (March 1921) gave Poland substantial areas of Belarus and Ukraine's (Kresy).[4] Sikorski's fame was enhanced as he became known to the Polish public as one of the heroes of the Polish-Soviet War. He also kept publishing military science articles during the war itself.[10] For his valorous achievements Sikorski was promoted to divisional general on 28 February 1921, and was awarded the highest Polish military decoration, the order of Virtuti Militari, on 15 March that year.[10]

In government and in opposition

Sikorski in 1923
Sikorski with Marshal of France Ferdinand Foch (1923)

Despite their differences, Piłsudski praised Sikorski in his reports, recommending him for Chief of the General Staff and Minister of War positions; only generals Kazimierz Sosnkowski and Edward Rydz-Śmigły received better evaluations from him.[10] Sikorski was popular among many soldiers, and in politics, appealed to Polish conservatives and liberals.[10] On 1 April 1921 Sikorski replaced general Tadeusz Jordan-Rozwadowski as the chief of the Polish General Staff.[10] Between 1922 and 1925 he held a number of high government offices. Based on his analysis, the Polish Council of Ministers adopted new foreign policy that would remain roughly unchanged until the late 1930s (preserving the status quo in Europe, and treating Germany and Russia as equal sources of potential threat).[10] On 12 December 1922 he issued a general order, stressing the need for the military to stay out of politics.[10] After the assassination of President of Poland Gabriel Narutowicz on 16 December 1922, the Marshal of the Sejm (the Polish parliament), Maciej Rataj, appointed Sikorski prime minister.[10] From December 18, 1922, to May 26, 1923, Sikorski served as Prime Minister and also as Minister of Internal Affairs, and was even considered as possible President.[10] During his brief tenure as prime minister, he became popular with the Polish public and carried out essential reforms in addition to guiding the country's foreign policy in a direction that gained the approval and cooperation of the League of Nations and tightened Polish-French cooperation. He obtained recognition for Poland's eastern frontiers from the UK, France and the United States. during the Conference of Ambassadors on 15 March 1923[11] He aided Treasury Minister Władysław Grabski reforms aiming at curtailing the inflation and reforming currency, supported ethnic minorities.[10] His government however lost support in the Sejm and resigned on 26 May 1923.[11]

From 30 September 1923 to 1924 he held the post of Chief Inspector of Infantry (Generalny Inspektor Piechoty).[11] From 17 February 1924 to 1925, under Prime Minister Grabski, he was Minister of Military Affairs and guided the modernization of the Polish military; he also created the Korpus Ochrony Pogranicza.[11] He worked actively to promote the cause of the Polish-French military alliance.[11] His proposal to increase the powers of the Minister of Military Affairs while reducing those of the Chief Inspector of the Armed Forces met with sharp disapproval from Piłsudski, who at that time was gathering many opponents of the current government.[4][11] From 1925 to 1928 Sikorski commanded Military Corps District (Okręg Korpusu) VI in Lwów.[11]

A democrat and supporter of the Sejm, Sikorski declared his opposition to Józef Piłsudski's May coup d'état in 1926;[11] however he remained however in Lwów, refused to dispatch his forces, and played no significant role in the short struggle surrounding the coup.[4][11] In 1928 he was relieved by Piłsudski of his command, and while he remained in active service, he received no other posting.[11] That year also saw the publication of his book on the Polish-Soviet War, Nad Wisłą i Wkrą. Studium do polsko–radzieckiej wojny 1920 roku (At the Vistula and the Wkra Rivers: a Contribution to the Study of the Polish-Soviet War of 1920).[11] He would spend the coming years studying military theory, publishing works on military theory, history and foreign policy.[11] His most famous work was his 1934 book Przyszła wojna – jej możliwości i charakter oraz związane z nimi zagadnienia obrony kraju (War in the Future: Its Capacities and Character and Associated Questions of National Defense), in which he predicted the return of the maneuver warfare to the modern war theaters.[11][12] In this book he foresaw the scale of the next World War and advancing ideas similar to the German concept of Blitzkrieg ("lightning war"). Alongside France's Charles de Gaulle and Russia's Mikhail Tukhachevski, he may be considered one of the pioneers of Blitzkrieg theory. While the book received little attention in Poland, it was closely studied in other countries, especially Soviet Russia.[13] He wrote several other books and many articles, foreseeing, among other things, the rapid militarization of Germany.[4]

In due course, soon after he was relieved of his command, and as a semi-dictatorial Sanacja regime was established, Sikorski joined the anti-Piłsudski opposition.[12] Sikorski largely withdrew from politics, spending much of his time in Paris, France, and working with the French Ecole Superieure de Guerre (war college). Even after the death of Piłsudski in 1935, he was still marganilized, in politics and military, by Piłsudski's successors.[12] In February next year, together with several prominent Polish politicians (Wincenty Witos, Ignacy Paderewski, and General Józef Haller) he joined the Front Morges, an anti-Sanacja political grouping.[12]

Prime Minister in exile

Sikorski (left) with Polish General Marian Kukiel, Clementine and Winston Churchill, and Polish ambassador Count Edward Raczyński

In the days before Poland was invaded by Germany in September 1939, and during the invasion itself, Sikorski's request for a military command continued to be denied by the Polish Commander in Chief, Marshal Edward Rydz-Śmigły.[12] Sikorski escaped through Romania to Paris, where on September 28 he joined Władysław Raczkiewicz and Stanisław Mikołajczyk in a Polish government-in-exile, taking command over the newly formed Polish Armed Forces in France.[12] Two days later, on September 30, president Raczkiewicz called him to serve as the first Polish prime ministers in exile.[12][14] On November 7 he became Commander in Chief and General Inspector of the Armed Forces (Naczelny Wódz i Generalny Inspektor Sił Zbrojnych), following Rydz-Śmigły's resignation.[12] Sikorski would also hold the position of the Polish Minister of Military Affairs, thus uniting in his person all control over Polish military in war time.[12]

During his years as prime minister in exile, Sikorski personified the hopes and dreams of millions of Poles, as reflected in the saying, "When the sun is higher, Sikorski is nearer" (Polish: "Gdy słoneczko wyżej, to Sikorski bliżej").[4][12] At the same time, from early on he had to work to reconcile the pro- and anti-Piłsudski's factions.[4][12][15]

His government was recognized by the western Allies. Nonetheless Sikorski 's government struggled to get its point of view heard by France and the United Kingdom.[15] The western Allies refused to recognize the Soviet Union as an aggressor, despite fact that Soviet invasion of Poland on 17 September 1939.[15] Furthermore, he struggled to secure resources needed to recreate the Polish Army in exile.[15]

Poland, even with its territories occupied, still commanded substantial armed forces: the Polish Navy had sailed to Britain,[16] and many thousands of Polish troops had escaped via Romania and Hungary or across the Baltic Sea. Those routes would be used until the end of the war by both interned soldiers and volunteers from Poland, who jocularly called themselves "Sikorski's tourists" and embarked on their dangerous journeys, braving death or imprisonment in concentration camps if caught by the Germans or their allies. With the steady flow of recruits, the new Polish Army was soon reassembled in France and in French-mandated Syria.[17][18] In addition to that, Poland had a large resistance movement, and Sikorski policies included founding of the Związek Walki Zbrojnej (Union of Armed Struggle), later transformed into Armia Krajowa (Home Army), and creation of the Government Delegation for Poland position, to supervise the Polish Underground State in occupied Poland.[12]

In 1940 the Polish Highland Brigade took part in the Battle of Narvik (Norway), and two Polish divisions participated in the defense of France, while a Polish motorized brigade and two infantry divisions were in process of forming.[19] A Polish Independent Carpathian Brigade was created in French-mandated Syria.[16] The Polish Air Force in France had 86 aircraft with one and a half of the squadrons fully operational, and the remaining two and a half in various stages of training.[16] Although many Polish personnel had died in the fighting or had been interned in Switzerland following the fall of France, General Sikorski refused French Marshal Philippe Pétain's proposal of a Polish capitulation to Germany.[4] On June 19, 1940, Sikorski met with British Prime Minister Winston Churchill and promised that Polish forces would fight alongside the British until final victory.[4] Sikorski and his government moved to London and were able to evacuate many Polish troops to Britain. After the signing of a Polish-British Military Agreement on August 5, 1940, they proceeded to build up and train the Polish Armed Forces in the West.[4] Experienced Polish pilots took part in the Battle of Britain, where the Polish 303 Fighter Squadron achieved the highest number of kills of any Allied squadron.[20] Sikorski's Polish forces would form one of the most significant Allied contingents.[a]

The Fall of France weakened Sikorski's position, and his proposal to consider building a new Polish army in the Soviet-occupied territories led to much criticism from within the Polish community in exile.[15] On 19 July Raczkiewicz dismissed him from his position as the Prime Minister, replacing him with August Zaleski, however within days pressure from Sikorski's sympathizers, including the British government, made Raczkiewicz reconsider his decision, and Sikorski was reinstated as the Prime Minister on 25 July.[15]

One of Sikorski's political goals was the creation of a Central and Eastern European federation, starting with the Polish-Czechoslovakian confederation.[21] He saw such an organization as necessary if smaller states were to stand up to traditional German and Russian imperialism.[22] That concept, although ultimately futile, gained some traction around that time, as Sikorski and Edvard Beneš from the Czechoslovak government-in-exile, signed an agreement declaring the intent to pursue closer cooperation on 10 November that year.[15] On 24 December 1940 Sikorski was promoted to generał broni.[15] In March 1941 he visited the United States; he would visit USA again in March and December 1942.[5][15]

Sikorski (left) with Winston Churchill and Charles de Gaulle
Władysław Anders and Sikorski with Joseph Stalin (1941)

Following the German invasion of the Soviet Union ("Operation Barbarossa") in June 1941, Sikorski opened negotiations with the Soviet ambassador to London, Ivan Maisky, to re-establish diplomatic relations between Poland and the Soviet Union, which had been broken off after the Soviet invasion of Poland in September 1939.[15] In December that year, Sikorski went to Moscow with a diplomatic mission.[4] Polish Government reached an agreement with the Soviet Union (the Sikorski-Maisky Pact of August 17, 1941), confirmed by Joseph Stalin in December of that year. Stalin agreed to invalidate the September 1939 Soviet-German partition of Poland, declare the Russo-German Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact of August 1939 null and void, and release tens of thousands of Polish prisoners-of-war held in Soviet camps.[4][15] Pursuant to an agreement between the Polish government-in-exile and Stalin, the Soviets granted "amnesty" to many Polish citizens, from whom a new army (the Polish II Corps) was formed under General Władysław Anders and later evacuated to the Middle East, where Britain faced a dire shortage of military forces.[4][15] The whereabouts of thousands more Polish officers, however, would remain unknown for two more years, and this would weigh heavily on both Polish-Soviet relations and on Sikorski's fate.[4]

Initially, Sikorski supported the Polish-Soviet rapprochement, which reignited criticism of his person from some Polish factions.[4][5] Nonetheless, Sikorski soon realized that the Soviet Union had plans for Polish territories, which would be unacceptable to Polish public.[5] The Soviets began their diplomatic offensive after their first major military victory in the Battle of Moscow, and intensified this policy after the battle of Stalingrad, showing less and less regard for their deals with Poland.[5][15] In January 1942 British diplomat Stafford Cripps informed General Sikorski that while Stalin planned to extend Polish borders to the west, by giving Poland Germany’s East Prussia, he also wanted to considerably push Poland’s eastern frontier westwards, along the lines of the Versailles concept of the Curzon Line, and acquire Lwów and Wilno, if not both.[23] Sikorksi's stance on eastern borders was not inflexible; he noted in some documents that some concessions might be acceptable, however, giving up both Lwów and Wilno was not.[23]

Katyn revelation and death

Main articles: Katyn massacre and 1943 B-24 crash in Gibraltar

In 1943 the fragile relations between the Soviet Union and the Polish government-in-exile finally reached their breaking point when, on April 13, the Germans announced the discovery of the bodies of 20,000 Polish officers who had been murdered by the Soviets and buried in Katyn Forest, near Smolensk, Russia.[4] Stalin claimed that the atrocity had been carried out by the Germans,[24] while Nazi propaganda orchestrated by Joseph Goebbels successfully exploited the Katyn massacre to drive a wedge between Poland, the Western Allies and the Soviet Union.[25] The Soviet Union, and subsequently Russia, did not acknowledge responsibility for this and similar massacres of Polish officers until the 1990s.[26]

When Sikorski refused to accept the Soviet explanation and requested an investigation by the International Red Cross on April 16,[27] the Soviets accused the government-in-exile of cooperating with Nazi Germany and broke off diplomatic relations on April 25.[5][28]

Beginning in late May 1943, Sikorski begun visiting Polish forces stationed in the Middle East.[5] In addition to inspecting the forces and raising morale, Sikorski was also occupied with political matters; around that time, a conflict was growing between him and general Władysław Anders, as Sikorski was still open to some normalization of Polish-Soviet relations, to which Andres was vehemently objected.[5] On July 4, 1943, while Sikorski was returning from an inspection of Polish forces deployed in the Middle East, he was killed, together with his daughter, his Chief of Staff, Tadeusz Klimecki, and seven others, when his plane, a Liberator II, serial AL523, crashed into the sea 16 seconds after takeoff from Gibraltar Airport at 23:07 hours.[5][29] Only the pilot, Eduard Prchal (1911–1984), survived the crash.[5] Sikorski was subsequently buried in a brick-lined grave at the Polish War Cemetery in Newark-on-Trent, England on July 16 that year.[5] Winston Churchill delivered an eulogy at his funeral.[30] On September 17, 1993, his remains were exhumed and transferred to the royal crypts at Wawel Castle in Kraków, Poland.[5]

Aftermath and remembrance

File:Sikorski funeral 1943.jpg
Sikorski's funeral in London
Biuletyn Informacyjny from July 15, 1943 informing about the death of general Władysław Sikorski and ordering a national day of mourning

Immediately after the crash, a Polish officer who had witnessed the event from the airstrip began sobbing quietly and repeating: "This is the end of Poland. This is the end of Poland." („To Polska stracona!”).[4] General Sikorski's death marked a turning point for Polish influence amongst the Anglo-American allies. No Pole after him would have much sway with the Allied politicians.[31] Sikorski had been the most prestigious leader of the Polish exiles and his death was a severe setback for the Polish cause.[31] After the Soviets had broken off diplomatic relations with Sikorski's government in April 1943, in May and June Stalin had recalled several Soviet ambassadors for "consultations": Maxim Litvinov from Washington, Gusev from Montreal, Ivan Maisky from London. While Churchill had been publicly supportive of Sikorski's government, reminding Stalin of his pact with Nazi Germany in 1939 and their joint attack on Poland, in secret consultations with Roosevelt he admitted that some concessions would have to be made by Poland to appease the powerful Soviets. The Polish-Soviet crisis was beginning to threaten cooperation between the western Allies and the Soviet Union at a time when the Poles' importance to the western Allies, essential in the first years of the war, was beginning to fade with the entry into the conflict of the military and industrial giants, the Soviet Union and the United States.[31]

The Allies had no intention of allowing Sikorski's successor, Stanisław Mikołajczyk, to threaten the alliance with the Soviets. No representative of the Polish government was invited to the Tehran Conference (28 November 28 – 1 December 1943) or the Yalta Conference (4–11 February 1945), the two crucial events in which the Western Allies and the Soviet Union discussed the shape of the post-war world and decided on the fate of Poland.[32][33] Only four months after Sikorski's death, in November 1943, at Tehran, Churchill and Roosevelt agreed with Stalin that the whole of Poland east of the Curzon Line would be ceded to the Soviets.[32] In Teheran, neither Churchill nor Roosevelt objected to Stalin's suggestion that the Polish government in exile in London was not representing Polish interests; as historian Anita Prażmowska noted, "this spelled the end of that government's tenuous influence and raison d'être."[34] After the Teheran Conference, Stalin decided to create his own puppet government for Poland, and a Committee of National Liberation (PKWN) was proclaimed in the summer of 1944.[32] The Committee was recognized by the Soviet Government as the only legitimate authority in Poland, while Mikołajczyk’s Government in London, was termed by the Soviets an "illegal and self-styled authority."[35] Mikołajczyk would serve in the Prime Minister's role until 24 November 1944, when, realizing the increasing powerlessness of the government in exile, he resigned and was succeeded by Tomasz Arciszewski, "whose obscurity", in the words of historian Mieczysław B. Biskupski, "signaled the arrival of the government in exile at total inconsequentiality."[32][36] Stalin soon began a campaign for recognition by the Western Allies of a Soviet-backed Polish government led by Wanda Wasilewska, a dedicated communist with a seat in the Supreme Soviet, with General Zygmunt Berling, commander of the 1st Polish Army in Russia, as commander-in-chief of all Polish armed forces.[37] By the time of the Potsdam conference in 1945, Poland has been relegated to the Soviet sphere of influence; an abandonment of the Polish government in exile that has led to the rise of the Western betrayal concept.[38][39]

A number of poems dedicated to Sikorski have been written by Polish authors during the war.[5] In its aftermath, in the People's Republic of Poland, Sikorski's historic role, like that of all the adherents of the London government, would be minimized and distorted by propaganda, and those loyal to the government-in-exile would be liable to imprisonment and even execution. In time, restrictions on discussing Sikorski 's begun to ease; on a centennial anniversary of his birth in 1981, commemorative events were held on the Rzeszów Voivodeship, including an academic conference, and revealing of plaques in Nisko and Leżajsk.[5] Ryszard Zieliński published a novel on him, Wejście w mrok (1971), and in 1983 a movie, Katastrofa w Gibraltarze by Bohdan Poręba, was made.[5] The Polish government-in-exile, of which Sikorski was the first Prime Minister, would continue in existence until the end of communist rule in Poland in 1990, when Lech Wałęsa became the first post-communist President of Poland.[40] On 17 September 1993 a statue of Sikorski, sculpted by Wiesław Bielak, was reveled in Rzeszów.[5] In 2003, the Polish parliament (Sejm) declared the year (60th anniversary of Sikorski's death) to be the "Year of General Sikorski".[4] A number of streets and schools in Poland bear Sikorski's name.[5]

Memory of General Sikorski was also preserved both in Poland and abroad, by organizations like the Sikorski Institute in London.[5] In the UK, Sikorski received honoris causa degrees from the University of Liverpool and University of St Andrews .[5] In 1981, a commemorative plaque was revealed at Hotel Rubens in London,[5] where during the war Polish Military Headquarters, including Sikorski's office, were located.[41] He is commemorated in London's Portland Place, near the Embassy of Poland, with a larger than life statue, unveiled in 2000.[42]

Controversy surrounding his death

Main article: Sikorski's death controversy
Memorial plaque dedicated to Sikorski located at the end of the Great Siege Tunnels in Gibraltar
The statue of Sikorski on Portland Place, London, erected in 2000
Seated sculpture of Sikorski as a young officer, Inowrocław, Poland

A British Court of Inquiry convened on July 7 that year investigated the crash of Sikorski's Liberator II serial AL 523, but was unable to determine the cause, finding only that it was an accident and the "due to jamming of elevator controls", noting that "it has not been possible to determine how the jamming occurred but it has been established that there was no sabotage.".[30] The Polish government refused to endorse this report, due to the contradiction about the cause not being determined but sabotage being ruled out.[43]

The political context of the event, coupled with a variety of curious circumstances, immediately gave rise to numerous speculation that Sikorski's death had been no accident, and may have been the direct result of a Soviet, British, or even Polish conspiracy.[5][31][44][45][46] Some modern sources still note that the accident is not fully explained; for example Jerzy Jan Lerski in his Historical Dictionary of Poland (1996), entry on the "Gibraltar, Catastrophe of", notes that "there are several theories explaining the event, but the mystery was never fully solved."[36] However, as Roman Wapiński noted in his biographical entry on Sikorski in the Polish Biographical Dictionary in 1997, no conclusive evidence of any wrongdoing has been found, and Sikorski's official cause of death is listed as an accident.[5]

In 2008 Sikorski was exhumed and his remains were examined by Polish scientists, who in 2009 concluded that he died due to injuries consistent with an air crash, and that there was no evidence that Sikorski was murdered, ruling out theories that he was shot or strangled before the incident; however they did not rule out the possibility of sabotage, which is still being investigated by the Polish Institute of National Remembrance.[47][48][49] As of 2012, the investigation continues.[50]

Honours and awards

Works

General Sikorski was also an active writer on the subjects of military tactics and describing his personal war experiences.[4] His works include:

  • Regulamin musztry Związku Strzeleckiego i elementarna taktyka piechoty (Drill Regulations of the Riflemen's Association and Basic Infantry Tactics), 1911.
  • Nad Wisłą i Wkrą. Studium do polsko–radzieckiej wojny 1920 roku (At the Vistula and the Wkra Rivers: a Contribution to the Study of the Polish-Soviet War of 1920), 1923; latest edition, Warsaw, 1991.
  • O polską politykę państwową. Umowy i deklaracje z okresu pełnienia urzędu prezesa Rady Ministrów 18 XII 1922 - 26 V 1923 (Polish National Policies: Agreements and Declarations from My Tenure as Prime Minister, December 18, 1922 to May 26, 1923), 1923.
  • Podstawy organizacji naczelnych władz wojskowych w Polsce (Basic Organization of the Supreme Military Authorities in Poland), 1923.
  • Polesie jako węzeł strategiczny wschodniego frontu (Polesie as a Strategic Node of the Eastern Front), 1924.
  • La campagne polono-russe de 1920 (French: The Polish-Russian Campaign of 1920), 1928.
  • Generał Władysław Sikorski: Publicystyka generała Władysława Sikorskiego na łamach Kuriera Warszawskiego w latach 1928–1939 (General Władysław Sikorski: Articles by General Władysław Sikorski in the Warsaw Courier, 1928–1939), Oficyna Wydawnicza Aspra, 1999, ISBN 83-908937-3-8.
  • Polska i Francja w przeszłości i w dobie współczesnej (Poland and France in the Past and in the Present Day), 1931.
  • Przyszła wojna – jej możliwości i charakter oraz związane z nimi zagadnienia obrony kraju (War in the Future: Its Capacities and Character and Associated Questions of National Defense), 1934; translated into French in 1934, and into English in 1943; latest edition Warsaw, MON, 1972.

See also

Notes

a ^ For a detailed analysis of the size of Polish forces, in comparison to other allies, see note a in the Polish contribution to World War II article.

References

  1. ^ a b c d e f g h Roman Wapiński, Władysław Sikorski, Polski Słownik Biograficzny, zeszyt 154 (T. XXXVII/3, 1997, p. 468
  2. ^ Olgierd Terlecki (1976). Generał ostatniej legendy: rzecz o gen. Władysławie Sikorskim. Polonia Bookstore and Publishers Co. p. 7. Retrieved 7 October 2012.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Roman Wapiński, Władysław Sikorski, Polski Słownik Biograficzny, zeszyt 154 (T. XXXVII/3, 1997, p. 469
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae Template:Pl icon Adam Dobroński. Biogram. Biuletyn „Kombatant” nr specjalny (148) czerwiec 2003. (Biography. Special Edition of Kombatant Bulletin No.148 6/2003 on the occasion of the Year of General Sikorski. Official publication of the Polish government Agency of Combatants and Repressed)
  5. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z Roman Wapiński, Władysław Sikorski, Polski Słownik Biograficzny, zeszyt 154 (T. XXXVII/3, 1997, p. 475
  6. ^ a b c d e f g h i Roman Wapiński, Władysław Sikorski, Polski Słownik Biograficzny, zeszyt 154 (T. XXXVII/3, 1997, p. 470
  7. ^ Thaddeus M. Piotrowski (9 January 2007). Poland's Holocaust: Ethnic Strife, Collaboration With Occupying Forces and Genocide in the Second Republic, 1918-1947. McFarland. p. 3. ISBN 978-0-7864-2913-4. Retrieved 13 November 2012.
  8. ^ Adrian Hyde-Price (23 June 2001). Germany and European Order: Enlarging NATO and the EU. Manchester University Press. p. 75. ISBN 978-0-7190-5428-0. Retrieved 13 November 2012.
  9. ^ Peter J. Boettke (30 September 1990). The Political Economy of Soviet Socialism: the Formative Years, 1918-1928. Springer. pp. 92–93. ISBN 978-0-7923-9100-5. Retrieved 13 November 2012.
  10. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v Roman Wapiński, Władysław Sikorski, Polski Słownik Biograficzny, zeszyt 154 (T. XXXVII/3, 1997, p. 471
  11. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Roman Wapiński, Władysław Sikorski, Polski Słownik Biograficzny, zeszyt 154 (T. XXXVII/3, 1997, p. 472
  12. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Roman Wapiński, Władysław Sikorski, Polski Słownik Biograficzny, zeszyt 154 (T. XXXVII/3, 1997, p. 473
  13. ^ Bernard A. Cook (2001). Europe Since 1945. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-0-8153-4058-4.
  14. ^ Stanislaw Mikolajczyk The Pattern of Soviet Domination Sampson Low, Marston & Co 1948 Page 7
  15. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Roman Wapiński, Władysław Sikorski, Polski Słownik Biograficzny, zeszyt 154 (T. XXXVII/3, 1997, p. 474
  16. ^ a b c Andrew Hempel (8 November 2005). Poland in World War II: An Illustrated Military History. Hippocrene Books. p. 26. ISBN 978-0-7818-1004-3. Retrieved 7 November 2012. Cite error: The named reference "Hempel2005" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  17. ^ Robert Gretzyngier (24 July 1998). Polish Aces of World War 2. Osprey Publishing. p. 13. ISBN 978-1-85532-726-9. Retrieved 7 November 2012.
  18. ^ Gregor Dallas (30 September 2005). 1945: The War That Never Ended. Yale University Press. p. 54. ISBN 978-0-300-10980-1. Retrieved 7 November 2012.
  19. ^ Kenneth Koskodan (23 June 2009). No Greater Ally: The Untold Story of Poland's Forces in World War II. Osprey Publishing. pp. 51–52. ISBN 978-1-84603-365-0. Retrieved 7 November 2012.
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Further reading

  • Generał Sikorski, premier, naczelny wodz (General Sikorski: Prime Minister, Commander in Chief), London, Polish Institute and Sikorski Museum, 1981, ISBN 0-902508-09-1.
  • Peszke, Michael Alfred, The Polish Underground Army, the Western Allies, and the Failure of Strategic Unity in World War II, foreword by Piotr S. Wandycz, Jefferson, NC, McFarland & Company, 2005.
  • Terry, Sarah Meiklejohn, Poland's Place in Europe: General Sikorski and the Origin of the Oder-Neisse Line, 1939–1943, Princeton University Press, 1983, ISBN 0-691-07643-X.
  • Waszak, Leon, and P. Lang, "Agreement in Principle: the Wartime Partnership of General Wladyslaw Sikorski and Winston Churchill," Studies in Modern European History, vol. 20, April 1996, ISBN 0-8204-2849-3
  • Dead Men's Secrets the Mysterious Death of General Sikorski, The History Channel DVD, ASIN: B0007V0YCQ
  • Whiteley, Justin, Smierc Generala Sikorskiego, Bellona, 2007, ISBN 978-83-11-10921-6
  • {{cite book|title=Poland's Place in Europe: General Sikorski and the Origin of the Oder-Neisse Line, 1939-1943|author=Sarah Meiklejohn Terry|year=1983|publisher=Princeton University Press

External links

Wikiquote has quotations related to Władysław Sikorski.
Political offices
Preceded by Prime Minister of Poland
1922 to 1923 		Succeeded by
Preceded by
Felicjan Sławoj-Składkowski
(Prime Minister in Poland)
 Prime Minister of the Polish Republic in Exile
1939 to 1943 		Succeeded by
Military offices
Preceded by General Inspector of the Armed Forces
1939–1943 		Succeeded by

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